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Did National Park Service Overlook Court Rulings In Abdicating Wildlife Management Responsibilities At Grand Teton?

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Elk in Grand Teton National Park/Deby Dixon

Court rulings going all the way up to the U.S. Supreme Court seem to give the National Park Service the authority to manage all wildlife within the boundaries of Grand Teton National Park, even that on state and private inholdings/Deby Dixon

A National Park Service decision that gave Wyoming officials control over wildlife management on private and state lands within Grand Teton National Park seems to have sidestepped historic negotiations that led to today's Grand Teton National Park, as well as longstanding court rulings that have upheld the Park Service's authority to manage all wildlife within a park, even on non-federal lands.

Of course, what advice officials in the Park Service's Intermountain Regional office used to make that decision (attached below) in November 2014 is impossible at this point to know. Since the agency is being sued by the National Parks Conservation Association and Greater Yellowstone Coalition over the decision, agency personnel and the Interior Department's solicitor on this case have declined to discuss the matter with the Traveler.

But there is ample evidence in court records going back decades that supports the authority of the Park Service to manage wildlife on all lands within a unit of the National Park System, regardless of ownership. Then, too, there was the clear guidance and intent of top Interior Department officials who, in 1949 and 1950, negotiated with Wyoming officials to reach a compromise that permitted the original footprint of Grand Teton to be enlarged through merger with the Jackson Hole National Monument and private lands acquired, and donated to the federal government, by John D. Rockefeller, Jr.

How, or why, the Intermountain Region staff overlooked those rulings and the Interior Department's position in 1950 hopefully will come to light as the lawsuit progresses through the legal system.

Interior Secretary Oscar Chapman was quite clear in his negotiations with Wyoming officials in 1949 and 1950 that the expanded park's enabling legislation banned hunting other than the elk reduction program sought by the state as part of a compromise to create the enlarged Grand Teton. In a letter (attached below) to Lester Bagley, at the time commissioner of the Wyoming Game and Fish Department, Secretary Chapman wrote that "(T)he act which established the new Grand Teton National Park does not allow the hunting of any animal species at any time or place within the boundaries, except elk within certain specified portions of the area and then only after following certain preliminary procedures...

"Other laws which are applicable to the administration of national parks, and which are not rendered inoperative by any portion of the new Grand Teton Act, are explicit in requiring protection of park wildlife," the secretary added. 

This compromise -- to allow an elk hunt promoted as a means of controlling the herd's population -- was something of a bitter pill for both state and federal governments to swallow.

"If Grand Teton National Park sought to become a reality in 1950, it had to accept the contradiction of being a national park dedicated to the welfare of wildlife, while simultaneously agreeing to kill them," wrote historian Robert W. Righter in Peaks, Politics & Passion, Grand Teton National Park Comes of Age.

While the elk reduction hunt was written into the new park's enabling legislation, and so ties the Park Service's hands on that point, subsequent legal rulings give added strength to Secretary Chapman's position that no other hunting would be allowed in the park.

"We’re at a loss," replied Maureen Finnerty, chair of the Executive Council of the Coalition to Protect America's National Parks, when asked Wednesday about the matter. "We’ve been tracking this quite closely and we’re concerned. ... We think it’s a bad shift and a bad precedent. So we’ll see how it all plays out. I haven’t figured out who called for this and why. We think the law is clear. Obviously, somebody in the Solicitor's Department didn't."

In 1984, Blake Shepard, then a staff member of the Boston College Environmental Affairs Law Review, examined the legal ground pertaining to non-federal lands within parks that the National Park Service could stand on in The Scope of Congress' Constitutional Power Under the Property Clause: Regulating Non-Federal Property To Further The Purposes Of National Parks and Wilderness Areas. His 61-page analysis, weighing heavily on the constitutional powers Congress holds through both the Property and Commerce clauses of the U.S. Constitution, cited two court rulings that closely mirror the situation the Intermountain Region faced in 2014. 

The first, Kleppe v. New Mexico, revolved around the 1971 roundup of wild burros by the New Mexico Livestock Board from federal lands. In arguing the case before the U.S. Supreme Court, the state argued that the federal government lacked the authority to enforce the Wild Free-roaming Horses and Burros Act on lands in New Mexico unless the state specifically ceded exclusive legislative authority over the land. In ruling against the state in 1976, the Supreme Court said the Property Clause gave Congress the authority "to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States."

"The Court ... found that Congress could enact legislation respecting federal land under the Property Clause, even in the abscence of cession," wrote Mr. Shepard. "The Court further held that such federal legislation superseded conflicting state law under the Supremacy Clause."

In short, he explained, "the extent of Congress' modern constitutional authority over federal lands is largely defined by the scope of its power under the Property Clause."

As to non-federal lands within national parks, the Park Service's authority to manage them in the best interests of the respective parks was upheld in 1977 by the Eighth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals when it ruled on United States v. Brown. In that case, Carl E. Brown was convicted of carrying a loaded firearm and hunting in Voyageurs National Park in Minnesota. In his defense, Brown argued that the park's waters were controlled by the state of Minnesota, not the Park Service. 

But the district court ruled, and the Eighth Circuit agreed, that the prohibition against hunting in Voyageurs, both on land and on water, "was enacted to promote the federal policy underlying the creation of the park," Mr. Shepard wrote. "(The Eighth Circuit) noted the district court's determination that hunting on park waters could 'significantly interfere with the use of the park and the purpose for which it was established.'"

"We view the congressional power over federal lands to include the authority to regulate activities on non-federal public waters in order to protect wildlife and visitors on the lands," the Eighth Circuit held. "... The National Park Service Act allows the Secretary of the Interior to promulgate 'such rules and regulations as he may deem necessary or proper for the use and management of the parks.' 16 U.S.C. § 3. 1The regulations prohibiting hunting and possession of a loaded firearm were promulgated pursuant to that authority, 36 C.F.R. §§ 2.11 and 2.32, and are valid prescriptions designed to promote the purposes of the federal lands within the national park. Under the Supremacy Clause the federal law overrides the conflicting state law allowing hunting within the park.'"

The lawyers representing NPCA and GYC against the Park Service decision at Grand Teton cite the Brown case, as well as another case, United States v. Armstrong that arose in 1996 and which revolved around the conviction of Harold “Bo” Armstrong for operating a tour boat service within Voyageurs without a permit. In upholding the conviction, the Eighth Circuit cited its previous ruling in United States v. Brown, and also noted that the state of Minnesota, by agreeing to the creation of Voyageurs National Park, ceded its regulatory authority on park waters to the Park Service.

That point of regulatory cessation, the lawyers argued, also came into play in 1950 when the state of Wyoming agreed to the establishment of the enlarged Grand Teton.

A third case cited by Mr. Shepard, State of Minnesota by Alexander v. Block, in which the state challenged the federal government's authority to restrict motorized travel on non-federal lands and waters within Boundary Waters Canoe Area, a national wilderness area in Minnesota, also resulted in the Eighth Circuit upholding the government's regulatory authority over non-federal lands. In its ruling the court wrote that "Congress' power must extend to regulation of conduct on or off the public land that would threaten the designated purpose of federal lands."

"Congress clearly has the power to dedicate federal land for particular purposes," the judges went on. "As a necessary incident of that power, Congress must have the ability to insure that these lands be protected against interference with their intended purposes. As the Supreme Court has stated, under the Property Clause '(Congress) may sanction some uses and prohibit others, and may forbid interference with such as are sanctioned.'"

Ironically, in looking back on this judicial landscape, what Mr. Shepard concluded in 1984 might have resurfaced again in the Grand Teton case.

"These two developments," he wrote, citing the Brown and Block rulings, "should be of particular interest to the National Park Service and other federal agencies charged with the duty of administering and protecting government property. Historically, the Park Service has taken an extremely narrow view of its own constitutional authority to regulate activity on non-federal property. The Brown and Block decisions provide the Park Service with a constitutional basis for regulating activity on non-federal property when necessary to promote the purpose of the government lands under its domain.

"... Under Brown and Black, the federal government possesses the constitutional power to regulate non-federal property so long as such regulations served to foster any of the goals embodied in this statement of legislative purposes," Mr. Shepard added a bit later. "In theory, this statutory provision authorizes Congress or the Park Service to enjoin any activity on private property that would mar the aesthetic beauty of a National Park or threaten the ecological balance of the wildlife living therein."

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Comments

 It required the give and take of a civil society,

There are plenty of civil societies out there.  There is only one that has operated under our Constitution for the last 200+ years.


Some view the Constitution as it was written in 1787, others view it as a "living" document that is more flexible than rigid. Regardless, the Eigthth Circuit took the 10th Amendment into consideration when it ruled in State of Minnesota by Alexander v. Block. It held that:

Appellants assert that Congress had no power to enact the motor vehicle restriction as applied to
nonfederal lands and waters. We reject this contention and conclude that Congress, in passing
this legislation, acted within its authority under the property clause of the United States
Constitution and that such action did not contravene the tenth amendment of the Constitution.
Accordingly, we affirm.

In light of the number of judicial reviews this topic has had over the decades, it would seem to be settled law.


 

others view it as a "living" document that is more flexible than rigid.

It is "flexible" as Ariticle V provides two avenues for amendment.  To view it as a living document that should change its meaning over time through different interpretations makes the document worthless.  You won't find any of the founding fathers suggesting that it should be a "living document" as that would totally defeat its purpose.  That is exactly what they meant by the "rule of law and not of men".   

And yes, they "considered" the 10th amendment and summarily dismissed it with no rationalization. Like so many of the modern courts they totally ignored what it says and did what they wanted to do.  

"In light of the number of judicial reviews this topic has had over the decades"

Acttually there has been little in judicial review with these circumstances and non at the supreme court level.  As I pointed out before the majority of the cases you (and the Block decision) cited involved activities on Federal land not on private property.  Also I suggest you look at :

http://apps.americanbar.org/litigation/committees/environmental/articles...

http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1663&context...


You won't find any of the founding fathers checking airfares either, because planes didn't exist in the 18th or 19th centuries. But that's a debate that could generate another website, so we can agree to disagree on how flexible the Constitution should or shouldn't be.

As for the Supreme Court, it had the final say on Kleppe.

https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/426/529/case.html

As for the others, perhaps the reason the Supreme Court didn't enter the equation was because the losing parties realized they wouldn't win, or perhaps the Supreme Court refused to consider the question.

Now, interestingly, the high court did just recently consider a case that touches on this issue. While it didn't rule on Sturgeon v. Frost, a case that questioned the Park Service's authority over rivers that flow through Yukon-Charley Rivers National Preserve, it remanded the case to the 9th Circuit to reconsider it.

However, this case might be extremely narrow and affect only parks in Alaska, not system-wide, as it is tied to a single sentence in Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act.

http://www.alaskapublic.org/2016/01/20/supreme-court-hears-alaska-hoverc...


because planes didn't exist

Doesn't matter, the principles of the Constitution stand whether there are airplanes or not.  And if it did matter, there is Article V to address it.  Again, if men just want to read the Constitition they way they want to read it, you might as well throw it away.  

it had the final say on Kleppe.

Kleppe involved the state taking burros FROM Federal land.  The Constiution clearly gives the Feds jurisdiction and wide latitude for the administration of Federal Lands.  It has no relevance to this case where the Feds are trying to regulate state land.


The justices who ruled on Kleppe might think you're looking at their decision too narrowly. Here's part of what they said:

As applied to this case, the Act is a constitutional exercise of congressional power under the Property Clause of the Constitution, which provides that "Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States."

Art. IV, § 3, cl. 2. Pp. 426 U. S. 535-547.

(a) The Clause, in broad terms, empowers Congress to determine what are "needful" rules "respecting" the public lands, and there is no merit to appellees' narrow reading that the provision grants Congress power only to dispose of, to make incidental rules regarding the use of, and to protect federal property. The Clause must be given an expansive reading, for "[t]he power over the public lands thus entrusted to Congress is without limitations," United States v. San Francisco, 310 U. S. 16, 310 U. S. 29, and Congress' complete authority over the public lands includes the power to regulate and protect the wildlife living there. Pp. 426 U. S. 536-541.

(b) In arguing that the Act encroaches upon state sovereignty and that Congress can obtain exclusive legislative jurisdiction over the public lands in a State only by state consent (absent which it may not act contrary to state law), appellees have confused Congress' derivative legislative power from a State pursuant to Art. I, § 8, cl. 17, with Congress' powers under the Property Clause. Federal legislation under that Clause necessarily, under the Supremacy Clause, overrides conflicting state laws. And here, though the Act does not establish exclusive federal jurisdiction over the public lands in New Mexico, it overrides the New Mexico Estray Law insofar as that statute attempts to regulate federally protected animals. Pp. 426 U. S. 541-546.


Gosh, EC. You must have been a lot of fun in Sunday school. The earth began at 9:00 am, Eastern standard time, in 4004 BC! If the Constitution is so "rigid," why did the Founding Fathers even want or need the Supreme Court? It should be obvious, should it not, what is and is not "allowed?"

The point is that nothing is obvious. Everything changes. Suddenly, along comes geology and throws off Genesis. Along comes Charles Darwin and things change again.

Like me, you are skeptical about panicking over climate change for the very same reasons you turn rigid here. When it is your rigidity being threatened, you revert to fundamentalism, too. 99 percent of scientists agree that the world is heating up. Head for high ground! 99 percent of conservatives agree that the Constitution is "worthless" if we change it. Head for high ground again!

It's all nonsense, EC. As Heraclitus put it 2500 years ago, the only thing permanent in the world is change. The Founding Fathers were themselves open to change. They built it into the Constitution. They were the first to see the need for it, starting with the original Bill of Rights.

But yes, Sunday school is open all over the country as factions preach instead of teach. Every time in history that has gotten out of control, well, the Founding Fathers admitted that, too. You can thank your lucky stars the Constitution has survived this far, but next time we might not be so lucky.


 why did the Founding Fathers even want or need the Supreme Court?

Why do we have refs in football?  Not to decide what the rules should be but to decide whether the circumstances meet or violate the rules. 

 They built it into the Constitution. 

Yes, so we should follow the rules they build into the Constitution if we want to make change.  I.e go through the Article V process.


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